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<text id=90TT0432>
<title>
Feb. 19, 1990: Why Are These Men Smiling?
</title>
<history>
TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1990
Feb. 19, 1990 Starting Over
</history>
<article>
<source>Time Magazine</source>
<hdr>
WORLD, Page 40
Why Are These Men Smiling?
</hdr>
<body>
<p> With so much going on in Moscow and in the Germanys last
week, it was tempting to prejudge the meeting between the
foreign ministers of the U.S. and the U.S.S.R. as a matter of
minor consequence. The Soviets seemed so distracted--understandably so--that even as Secretary of State James
Baker flew into Moscow to prepare for the June superpower
summit, he was uncertain whether his schedule would hold up.
His engagement with Soviet counterpart Eduard Shevardnadze had
already been rebooked twice. Then an apologetic Shevardnadze
was forced to push their first appointment back an hour and had
to duck out of the historic party conference to keep his date.
</p>
<p> But it was worth the wait. When Baker and Shevardnadze
emerged from 2 1/2 days of marathon meetings, including nearly
four hours with a visibly weary Gorbachev, they had
accomplished a remarkable amount. Not only had they cleared
many of the hurdles blocking a treaty to decrease strategic
weapons but the Soviets came close to agreeing with Bush's
week-old proposal to cut back troops in Europe.
</p>
<p> Though criticized for not reaping a peace dividend, Bush has
insisted that U.S. weapons were the necessary collateral for
deals with Moscow, and his tenacity apparently paid off. For
years both sides have been dickering over the fine points of
a strategic missile treaty and got nowhere on reducing troops
in Europe. But in the past week they went a long way toward
settling crucial issues brought up during previous
negotiations, including the December summit in Malta. Baker and
Shevardnadze settled in principle two major sticking points and
agreed to finesse a third that had been holding up an
agreement reducing long-range nuclear weapons. The Soviets
accepted the U.S. plan for a phased abolition of chemical
weapons. And Moscow formally eliminated linkage between missile
reductions and the U.S. Star Wars program, as Gorbachev had
earlier hinted he would. "I think it's moved the process along
very, very smartly," declared Baker.
</p>
<p> Perhaps most important, Gorbachev said he would agree to
limit conventional forces in Europe on both sides to the
195,000 troops that Bush had proposed a week earlier, but with
a key difference. Bush's plan would have allowed the U.S. to
keep an additional 30,000 soldiers on the continent outside
Central Europe--in Britain and Turkey, for example. The
Soviet leader rejected that asymmetry, saying he would accept
either 195,000 or 225,000 for both sides. Whatever the final
total, Gorbachev made it plain he agrees with Bush that the
changes in Eastern Europe allow sizable reductions in forces.
But he also in effect accepted Bush's premise that the U.S.
should retain a large military presence in Europe.
</p>
<p> The U.S. had expected Moscow to ask for even deeper cuts in
troop strength, so the simple parity demanded by Gorbachev
seemed almost certain to find approval in Washington,
especially since the U.S. has tried to eliminate the Soviet
asymmetrical advantage in conventional forces for 16 years.
Baker called Gorbachev's counteroffer "very close to the
President's proposal." It could all make for a satisfying
summit in Washington next June.
</p>
<p>By Howard G. Chua-Eoan. Reported by Michael Duffy with Bush and
Christopher Ogden with Baker.
</p>
</body>
</article>
</text>